Source – hendersonlefthook.wordpress.com
– “…Aristide went into exile in the US. He eventually cut a deal with the World Bank which would allow him to return to Haiti. The deal involved leaving FRAPH members in government, privatizing 300 state-owned companies, slashing Haiti’s tariffs and import duties, and rewriting Haiti’s corporate tax and investment laws. Aristide’s Lavalas Family Movement would be banned from politics and wages would be frozen at a rate of $.11-$.18/hour- lower than under the Duvalier dictatorship.  Haiti was to establish a World Bank price floor for wages in the Western Hemisphere”:
The Haitian Route- By Dean Henderson
The shortest route from Colombia’s San Andres Island to Miami passes through the island of Haiti, where Bank of Nova Scotia subsidiary Scotiabank dominates finance.
Bank of Nova Scotia is the leading gold dealer in the Caribbean Silver Triangle and owned the 200 tons of gold recovered beneath the rubble of the World Trade Center in late 2001. From the 1970’s until 1986 Haiti was ruled by Jean-Claude (Papa Doc) and son Baby Doc Duvalier. The dictators were propped up by the US, which sent them over $400 million.
What didn’t end up in Duvalier pockets was used by US corporations to set up factories to take advantage of super-cheap Haitian labor. Haiti was the centerpiece of the Caribbean Basin Initiative, launched by David Rockefeller’s International Basic Economy Corporation, which aimed to create a low-wage manufacturing platform in the Caribbean for US multinationals. Real wages in Haiti declined 56% from 1983-1991 after the Caribbean Basin Initiative kicked in.
Haitian exports boomed with companies like Rawlings sending sweat shop manufactured baseballs to the US. Dallas oilman Clint Murchison operated meat packing plants in Haiti which he entrusted to the watchful eye of ill-fated CIA Oswald-handler George de Mohrenschildt. The US textile industry has a huge presence in Haiti. Nowhere in the world is labor cheaper.
Baby Doc Duvalier fell after a popular revolt in 1986 and retired on the French Riviera, alongside other US tin cup dictators. That year the CIA created the Haitian National Intelligence Service (SIN). The acronym, which it shares with Peruvian intelligence, may be a tongue-in-cheek Freemason joke. SIN was created under the guise of fighting drug trafficking, but its officials simply took over the Colombian coke transshipment trade from Duvalier’s cronies, who were known as the Tonton Macoutes.
It was no coincidence that Haitian gangs took over the drug trade in many US cities. Despite a US Congressional ban on aid to Haiti, SIN received $1 million/year from the CIA, while the Company set about training and equipping the new Haitian military. The CIA was busy trying to put a lid on the leftist movement which had swept Baby Doc from power- the Lavalas Family Movement. SIN set about on a reign of terror against Lavalas, taking over where Duvalier’s Tonton Macoutes had left off.
In 1989 the head of SIN, Colonel Ernesto Prudhomme, led a brutal interrogation of progressive Port-au-Prince Mayor Evans Paul. Former SIN chief Colonel Leopold Clerjeune was also present. Mayor Paul came away with five broken ribs and serious internal injuries. A US Embassy official said of SIN, “It was a military organization that distributed drugs in Haiti. SIN never produced drug intelligence. The Agency gave them money under counter-narcotics and they used their training to do other things in the political arena.”
One of those “other things” was masterminding the coup that overthrew populist President Jean Bertrand Aristide- the Roman Catholic priest who won Haiti’s first democratic elections in 1991. Aristide was a leader of the Lavalas Family Movement.
He preached liberation theology, the Catholic left turn that came out of the 1968 Medellin Vatican II Conference which inspired revolution throughout Latin America. Aristide escaped three assassination attempts by Duvalier’s Tonton Macoutes. Upon taking office he began arresting SIN officials involved in drug trafficking and raised the Haitian minimum wage from $.22/hour to $.37/hour. US corporations groused and began a smear campaign against Aristide. USAID came to their rescue, launching a $26.7 million US-taxpayer-funded assault on Aristide’s minimum wage proposal and other progressive initiatives he had implemented.
Andre Apaid, a wealthy Haitian businessman, was hand-picked by USAID to spearhead the anti-Aristide campaign via his export-promotion firm Prominex, likely a Permindex affiliate in Nazi International’s world trade center global drug trafficking and assassination network. Apaid’s company supplied numerous US multinationals, including Honeywell, IBM, Remington and Unisys.  Meanwhile CIA agents Brian Latell and James Woolsey- later Clinton CIA Director- marched out a report they wrote citing Aristide’s “mental health problems”. Miami DEA Chief Thomas Cash even tried unsuccessfully to link Aristide to the Columbian cocaine business.
In 1991, just months after Aristide took office, the groups that USAID funded led a military coup. A military junta headed by Army Chief Raoul Cedras was installed. Cedras was a CIA informant in charge of Haiti’s military. SIN was renamed FRAPH and embarked upon another bout of political terror. Lavalas was targeted, along with peasant groups and unions. Wages decreased further, with one apparel firm supplying US contractors paying $.14/hour.
USAID point man Andre Apaid definitely got paid, becoming a Washington lobbyist for the Cedras regime. He told a crowd in Miami that if Aristide returned to Haiti, “I’d strangle him”. But it was FRAPH that was doing the bulk of the strangling. Amnesty International reported 2,000 civilians murdered in Haiti within 18 months of the Cedras coup. CIA agent Brian Latell, whose phony report helped topple Aristide, visited Haiti in 1992 where he praised Cedras and said he saw “no evidence of oppressive rule or mass killings”. Amnesty International called his assessment, “absurd”. 
Aristide went into exile in the US. He eventually cut a deal with the World Bank which would allow him to return to Haiti. The deal involved leaving FRAPH members in government, privatizing 300 state-owned companies, slashing Haiti’s tariffs and import duties, and rewriting Haiti’s corporate tax and investment laws. Aristide’s Lavalas Family Movement would be banned from politics and wages would be frozen at a rate of $.11-$.18/hour- lower than under the Duvalier dictatorship.  Haiti was to establish a World Bank price floor for wages in the Western Hemisphere.
Once the deal was cut, President Clinton intervened in Haiti to bring Aristide back. In 1993 the USS Harlan County sailed into Port-au-Prince to lay the groundwork for Aristide’s return. The ship was met by violent demonstrators led by Emmanuel (Toto) Constant, who was on CIA payroll as founder and head of the murderous FRAPH. Toto attended Clinton’s inaugural ball. His father General Gerard Constant was Papa Doc’s Army Chief of Staff and internal adviser to US Ambassador Alvin Adams.
Constant formed FRAPH out of the remnants of SIN at the behest of Colonel Patrick Collins- US Military Defense Attaché at the US Embassy in Port-au-Prince. Constant claims Collins and the CIA Chief of Station in Haiti were inside Haitian military headquarters as the 1991 Cedras coup was unfolding. Now Toto was told to be a good dog and welcome the World Bank-reformed Aristide back to Haiti. At a meeting with US Army General Hugh Shelton, Constant was told, “Here’s your chance. Either you do it or we’ll hunt you down like a dog.”
One day before Constant called a press conference welcoming back Aristide, he met with CIA Haiti Chief of Station John Kambourian. He was told that while Aristide would return, FRAPH would be in charge. Toto’s first mission would be to indoctrinate Haitian Army troops on the evils of liberation theology. The Clinton Administration reneged on many of its promises to Aristide. Clinton NSA Anthony Lake bragged to Congress about how the CIA and USAID were going to handpick a new Haitian Parliament to balance Aristide. Many FRAPH killers were left in power including General Jean-Claude Duperval, a CIA asset who led the 1991 coup alongside an ex-Tonton Macoute boss.  FRAPH continued in the drug business as well.
In 1997 Haitian Colonel Michel Francois, who served as Police Chief of Puerto Principe during Cedras’ junta, was extradited from Honduras to stand trial for cocaine and heroin trafficking. Francois fled to the Dominican Republic after Aristide discovered that he was also behind a plot to destabilize Haiti. Francois worked with CIA favorite Pablo Escobar and used a private airport controlled by Haitian Colonel Jean Claude Paul as transshipment point for Miami-bound Escobar cocaine.  The US quickly tired of Aristide’s interference in the drug business. In 2000, after Aristide again won the Haitian elections, the US deemed the count fraudulent and cut off all aid, effectively relegating the island to slow death. A few years later- in a bizarre bit of spook theater- Aristide was kidnapped and flown into exile in Africa.
James Woolsey, who co-wrote the pack of lies that helped topple Aristide the first time and was rewarded with the job of CIA Director, now found more lucrative work. His new employer Dyn Corporation of Reston, VA contracted with CIA to train and deploy the new Haitian National Police, which replaced the Haitian Military as part of the World Bank deal. When UN troops pulled out of Haiti, DynCorp advisers remained. Human Rights Watch says the Haitian National Police that DynCorp trained has been involved in “extra judicial executions, disappropriate use of lethal force and beatings”. 
Woolsey’s Dyncorp also worked in Peru during the early 1990’s, where it was supposed to be training anti-drug police. Dyncorp pilot Robert Hitchman had worked for Air America and helped Ed Wilson train Libyans during the 1970’s. When Hitchman’s plane was shot down by Shining Path rebels in Peru, killing him and two other Dyncorp employees, son Robert III came forward and stated that Dyncorp’s true mission was to train Peruvian Air Force pilots to fly combat missions against Shining Path and Tupac Amaru rebels. Dyncorp was also active in Bolivia, Ecuador and Columbia, receiving over $1 billion in US government contracts since 1995. 
In early 2002, as Woolsey appeared regularly in Wolf Blitzer’s CNN War Room, extolling the virtues of bombing Afghanistan back to the Stone Age, his Dyncorp pals were running for cover. Ben Johnston, a Texan working on the Dyncorp government dole in Bosnia, blew the whistle on a child sex abuse ring that had Dyncorp at its Bosnian epicenter. He filed suit against DynCorp under RICO statutes after being fired for bringing news of the pedophilia ring to his superiors. Johnston stated, “Dyncorp leadership was 100% in bed with the mafia over there.”
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Dean Henderson is the author of five books: Big Oil & Their Bankers in the Persian Gulf: Four Horsemen, Eight Families & Their Global Intelligence, Narcotics & Terror Network, The Grateful Unrich: Revolution in 50 Countries, Das Kartell der Federal Reserve, Stickin’ it to the Matrix & The Federal Reserve Cartel. You can subscribe free to his weekly Left Hook column